Alberto Stefanelli

• Freedom for all? Populism and the Instrumental Support of Freedom of Speech. (with Koen Abts and Bart Meuleman) West European Politics. 2024. [Author's version] [Appendix (forthcoming)] [Github replication repository (forthcoming)]
Abstract

Freedom of speech is both the declared enemy and greatest ally of populism. Populists often present themselves as defenders of free speech to safeguard the interests of “the people,” yet they are also willing to restrict others’ speech rights for political gains. Existing research mostly focuses on populists’ abstract commitment to democracy, largely ignoring how populist citizens—on whose respect for democracy ultimately hinges—concretely apply democratic norms. Using an original survey question and a survey-embedded experiment, we examine how populist individuals understand freedom of speech both in abstract terms and when their ideological interests are at stake. We find that individuals with high populist attitudes show support for an unrestricted form of free speech. However, they are also inclined to restrict their ideological opponents’ right to expression. This indicates that populists view democratic norms not as universal rights but as instrumental values that can be traded for political gains.

• The Conditional Association Between Populism, Ideological Extremity, and Affective Polarization. International Journal of Public Opinion Research. 2023. [Author's version] [Appendix] [Github replication repository]
Abstract

In recent years there has been an increasing interest in whether populism is related to opinion extremity. Yet, research on the topic offers little direct evidence on whether and under which conditions populist ideas at the individual level are related to policy extremity and inter-party dislike. This paper aims to fill this gap by focusing on the reasons populist individuals hold more or less extreme opinions. Using data from the 2016 American National Electoral Study, I find that populist attitudes are a strong correlate of both ideological extremity and affective polarization, yet this association is conditional on respondent’s party affiliation. Populism is related to higher levels of ideological extremity among Democrats and stronger negative leader evaluations among Republicans. This finding indicates that the relationship between populism and citizens’ political judgements varies depending on the ability of populist leaders to make certain dimensions of the competition salient (i.e. ideological or affective) and exploit pre-existing ideological and partisan rivalries (i.e. party identity).

• The Ontological Core of Political Radicalism. Exploring the role of Antagonist, Dogmatic, and Populist Beliefs in Structuring Radical Ideologies. (with Bart Meuleman and Koen Abts) Contemporary Politics. 2023. [Author's version] [Appendix] [Github replication repository]
Abstract

Over the past decades, scholars have extensively studied the ideological positions of radical individuals. Yet, most research focuses on vote choice and attitudes towards particular policy issues. This paper sets out to identify the abstract and general elements (i.e., antagonism, dogmatism and populism) that constitute the ontological core of radical belief systems and assess their prevalence among the general population. Using data from the 2019 Belgian National Electoral Study, we employ a person-centred approach to classify individuals into ideological profiles. Contrary to the widespread assumption that radical individuals are a more "radicalised" version of mainstream voters, we provide evidence that they have a markedly different understanding of politics and society, and that political radicalism is not monolithic as there exist multiple, alternative, and more nuanced, non-mainstream ideologies. We also found that, compared to voters of the radical right, radical left voters are less likely to endorse a black-and-white understanding of politics despite showing high levels of populism and antagonism. Education, perceived social class, and trust in political institutions influence the degree to which individuals subscribe to different belief systems.

• COVID-19 Risk Perception, Trust in Institutions and Negative Affect Drive Positive COVID-19 Vaccine Intentions. (with Sanjin Musa, Seila Cilovic-Lagarija, Ariana Kavazovic, Nina Bosankic-Cmajcanin, Nadia Aleyna Scott, Martha Scherzer, Zsolt Kiss, and Katrine Bach Habersaat) International Journal of Public Health. 2022. [Open Access] [Data Description] [Appendix]
Abstract

Objectives: To investigate country-specific drivers and barriers of positive COVID-19 vaccine intentions in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (FBiH), one of the two entities comprising Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Methods: A cross-sectional study design was used, using an online behavioural insights survey tool adapted to the context of FBiH. Three survey waves, each including approximately 1,000 adults, were conducted in July, September and December 2020. Fixed-effects regression analysis was used to explore the drivers, barriers and attitudes towards accepting a future COVID-19 vaccine.

Results: COVID-19 risk perception, trust in health institutions and negative affect were positive predictors of positive COVID-19 vaccine intentions, as were living in urban areas and having a college education (versus having primary or secondary education). Conversely, being female and feeling that the pandemic was overhyped by the media and the country of vaccine production were negative predictors.

Conclusion: This study provided snapshots on the state of attitudes regarding future COVID-19 vaccine acceptance and hesitancy in 2020. These findings provided useful insights into the efforts to introduce and roll out the COVID-19 vaccines in FBiH. Further efforts should focus on better understanding the demographic, cultural, and behavioral contexts of COVID-related vaccination perceptions in FBiH.

• The Electoral Consolidation of the Five Star Movement. Quaderni di Scienza Politica. 2017. [Author's version]
Abstract

The article explores the reasons for the success of the Five Star Movement (FSM), one of the most electorally successful yet peculiar populist parties in the European context. I first analyze the main characteristics of the FSM in relation to the principal conceptual dimensions of European populism. In particular, I briefly examine the FSM profile and organization, underlining the key elements that make the FSM unique. Secondly, I review the electoral history of Grillo's movement. I analyze the results of the main national and local elections, looking at the transformations in its organization and strategy. Thirdly, I investigate the consolidation of the FSM at the local level using three indicators: the FSM's electoral performance, the consolidation of its organization, and the use of preferential voting by its voters. I conclude by examining the transformation of the FSM electorate in relation to the socio-demographic profile of its voters.

• Subjects, Trials, and Levels: Statistical Power in Conjoint Experiments (with Martin Lukac)
Abstract

Despite the importance of power analysis for survey-experimental techniques, power considerations are often disregarded in the design of conjoint experiments. The main goal of this article is to provide rigorous guidance on how the number of experimental conditions, trials, and subjects impact the statistical power of conjoint experiments. To this end, we first conducted an extensive literature review to gauge the experimental designs typically employed in conjoint studies and the plausible effect sizes discovered in the literature. Using the information gathered from the literature review, we explore the statistical properties of a wide range of commonly employed designs using a simulation-based framework that employs a flexible data-generating model. Results show that—even with a relatively large sample size and the number of trials—conjoint experiments are not well suited to draw inferences for designs with large numbers of experimental conditions (> 15) and relatively small effect sizes (< 1000). Based on our simulation results, we develop a web application that can be used by researches to perform a priori power analysis and hence achieve adequate design for future conjoint experiments.

• Unaffected Polarization? Populism and Affective Polarization in Comparative Perspective (with Bruno Castanho Silva)
Abstract

With both affective polarization and populism on the rise in several countries, many have proposed a link between the two phenomena. Yet, research offers little direct evidence on whether populist individuals are more polarized. This paper aims to fill this gap by using CSES data from 25 elections in 21 countries to provide a comparative account of the relationship between populism and affective polarization at the individual level. We show that neither populist attitudes nor populist voting are not generally related to higher levels of affective polarization. Instead, we identify a curvilinear relationship wherein both populists and anti-populists exhibit high levels of polarization, with substantial variations across countries. These findings challenge the prevailing assumption that populism is universally associated with heightened affective polarization, suggesting that it may not be the sole responsible behind the upsurge in affective polarization observed in some Western democracies.

• Populist Authoritarianism: Left, Right, and Center (with Milan Svolik) [Pre-registration] [Data colleciton completed]
Abstract

The goal of this study is to examine heterogeneity in citizens’ commitment to democratic principles by their i) left, centre, or right political orientation; ii) populist or mainstream political tendencies. We use a candidate-choice survey experiment fielded in 7 different Latin American countries. Results show that individuals trade off democracy for differ- ent policy preferences and priorities (i.e. the left for leftist policies; the right for rightist policies; the centre for centrist policies).

• The Entrance in parliament of PRRP on attitudes towards immigration and European integration (with Bart Bonikowski) [Advanced draft]
Abstract

We test whether the entrance of populist parties in parliament changes the way citizens think about immigration and European Integration. Making use of exogenous variation created through differences in electoral thresholds, we causally assess that the representation of populist parties is associated with changes in attitudes. The results suggest the presence of attitude polarisation across the L-R ideological spectrum: left-wing individuals move towards more progressive positions while right-wing voters become more conservative.

• The Visibility and Framing of LGBT Issues in Parliament: How MP Characteristics and the Media Structure Substantive Representation (with Laura Jacobs, Cecil Meeusen and Arno Van Hootegem) [Advanced draft]
Abstract

We scraped all the parliamentary interrogations and collected all television news broadcasts concerning LGBT issues over a thirty-year time period (1994-2022) in the Dutch-speaking part of Belgium. Results show (1) a growing polarization on how LGBT issues are framed and (2) a strong agenda-setting potential of TV news on MPs’ behaviour in parliament.

• Destroying Liberal Democracy in Name of the People? (with Bart Meuleman and Koen Abts) [Advanced draft]
Abstract

This paper aims to examine the relationship between populism and the dual character of liberal democracy. Our empirical findings show that populist individuals tend to endorse a majoritarian conception of democracy characterized by anti-pluralistic tendencies and a preference for direct governance. Simultaneously, we find that populist individuals exhibit less support for individual freedom and checks and balances, believing that the government should have unhindered rule.

• Why So Radical? The Nature, Causes, and Consequences of Radical Beliefs Systems Ph.D. Dissertation, KU Leuven. (May 2024)

• cjsimPWR (R-package) [Github package page]
Package Description

Using the simulation framework developed in Stefanelli, A., & Lukac, M. (2020), this R package provides an extensive set of functions to simulate conjoint data, calculate power (1−Beta), Type S, and Type M error rates for forced-choice conjoint experiments based on the design proposed by Hainmueller, J., Hopkins, D., & Yamamoto, T. (2014).

• Introduction to Conjoint Expriments (Graduate and post-graduate level, 2021 - 2024) [ECPR Course Description] [Course public repository]
Course Description

Estimating causal effects is a central aim of quantitative empirical analysis in social sciences. Recently, Conjoint Analysis and Choice-Based Conjoint Experiments have gained interest among social scientists to understand and predict people's preferences in a multi-dimensional and multi-choice environment. This course offers an applied introduction to Choice-Based Conjoint, along with hands-on experience in lab sessions.

• Structural Equations (Graduate level, Master of Statistics, 2021 - 2024) [KU Leuven Course Repository] [Course public repository]
Course Description

The module introduces the logic and the statistical theory of structural equation modeling. The emphasis is on the practical use of models and methods as research tools in the social and behavioral sciences. In particular, this module covers the estimation of such models for normal, non-normal, and ordinal variables using R. This includes maximum likelihood, robust maximum likelihood, and various least-squares methods.

I received the 2021 Berg-Schlosser Award for outstanding pedagogy at the ECPR Methods School for my role of Teaching Assistant for a variety of advanced statistical courses. This work included creating lab sections for a several advanced methods courses, including Structural Equation Modelling (SEM), Multilevel SEM, and Advanced Multilevel Regression Modelling.

You are welcome to use my teaching material, but please make sure to attribute it to me.

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